Category: Volume III 2013

  • Interdependence of Animal and Men in 14th Century Vijayanagara Empire as represented through Sculptural Reliefs

    Dr. Priya Thakur,  Tumkur University, Tumkur, Karnataka

     Abstract

    Animals represent the most primitive and longest imagery of contact and coexistence with man in art. Most of the present day domesticated animals share a common thread of evolutionary pattern with man in similar surroundings and have evolved in parallel with that of mankind. Since the beginning of the human civilization, animals have played a major role in the socio-economic productivity of the human society as seen  through the transition of the hunter – pastoral – agricultural and urban mode of human livelihood.  The animals also became a part of human rituals and imagination as evident from earliest rock art sites such as that of Bhimabetka (Raisen District, Madhya Pradesh), where animals are seen as one of the preferred subject matter. The present paper is a study of the reflection of the changes influencing the 14th century Vijayanagara Society in terms of man-animal inter-relation as well as interdependence, through the sculptural art in the form of high reliefs on the monuments at the site.

    [Keywords: Vijayanagara, Hampi, sculpture, relief, landscape]

    Introduction

    The Vijayanagara empire came to political and socio-economical prominence during 14th -15th century in southern India.  The landscape of the capital city of the Vijayanagara empire is a striking amalgamation of  granites ridges with very limited plain terrain and granite hill crops with the river Tungabhadra flowing through in meandering paths. It clearly ‘impresses of the works of man upon an area.’ (Hoelscher, 2009) The integrated landscape of this site has an approach that coalesces two perspectives: landscapes as representations and landscapes as material artifacts. The city was established at such location after clearing a vast wilderness. Villages sited on terraces above the floor of the Tungabhadra valley date from prehistoric and early historic times. Burial grounds and paintings preserved under rock shelters are also preserved from these early periods. S.R. Rao (Thapar, 1979) explored the right bank of the river Tungabhadra and discovered a Neolithic/Chalcolithic site, yielding handmade pottery, lipped bowls of burnished grey ware, stone axes in various stage of manufacture and stone pounders. The later excavations conducted at the proto-historic site at Māsalaiahana Gudda in Hampi revealed cultural strata of five layers. The lower most layer has yielded Neolithic in the Chalcolithic stage. The fourth layer indicates overlap. The first three layers from the top evidence a clear overlap of Iron-age Megalithic with the Neolithic in the Chalcolithic stage.

    A perspective from sculptural art

    The art and architecture of this period is based on the Dravidian style that flourished under the Vijayanagara rulers and is characterized by its fullness and vibrant array of themes. The art of this region is marked with a clear sense of freedom and fluency towards the expression of aesthetic aspirations of the sculptors and the plastic art and it no more remains a idealistic portrayal of art, instead it becomes a fine representation of social and cultural life rich with fluidity of themes, motifs and expressions reflected in the literature of the period under discussion. Throughout the civilizations art and architecture have been constructed with specific ideals in mind, often by ideologically driven governing elites. Most of the analytical works on Vijayanagara cultural history and art aspects seem to be concentrated on the elite, namely the royalty, nobles, traders and dancers etc. Kathleen Morrison (2001) discusses that an iconographic approach to these sculptural panels would strive to unearth precisely those social and moral issues that found expression not only in stone, but also in the minds and attitudes of those who viewed their sculptures in their original context. When we look at the art carefully, it is clearly observed the artist seems to be captivated with the depiction of men-animal relations throughout the site en masse and relished the representation of animals not only as companion of man in war or peace but also as the prey – to be hunted as game of entertainment.

    India’s art heritage is a notable document of the Indian society’s changing face through the ages. By and large narrative, the Indian sculptural tradition is generally based on describing scenes from myths and legends to do with divine and semi-divine being. The appearance of urban centers meant the appearance of diverse social groups pursuing singular occupations as evident by the archaeological excavations at the site that implies the subsistence of different sections of populations occupied in various activities. Since people following different occupations came to the forefront, their livelihood and getting familiar with one place led to the distinction amid urban and rural centers. For their magnitude and extent, as well as from their elaborate perfection, they are more likely to have been the production of a powerful and refined people in a state of peace and prosperity, than as a people in continuous struggle to survive and thrive in all difficulties.

    Representation of man-animal interdependence:

    An  important  step  to  a  major  awareness  of  the  complexity  of  the  cultural interactions between humans and animals is to recognize that hybridization of humans and animals has occurred in the field of cultural evolution even more than in the field of biotechnologies and genetic engineering. As Roberto Marchesini (2009) points out in his recent studies, the confrontation and interaction with non human entity have shaped our way of thinking, our aesthetics and our technologies, as well as our language, which is full of metaphors and  expressions  based  on  zoological  issues.  While  art  history  reports  a number  of  animal-inspired  forms  and  topics,  contemporary  artists  are  increasingly focused on the very mechanisms of interaction between the human and animal sphere. (Andersen & Bochicchio, 2012) The high relief scenes carved on nearly all prominent edifices bring out a sense of equilibrium in which the human – animal relation as part of space as well as time as they are constitutive of signification processes that are intrinsically multi-layered, dynamic, and complex.

    The Vijayanagara artist succeeds in describing the process of change and evolution in society, economics, and philosophy and through his artistic expression as it weaves in and around human life. A state of tranquility and  relative liberty  appears at  all  times  to  have been  favorable  to  the  cultivation  and perfection  of  arts  as seen during Vijayanagara times also. The subject of most ancient sculptures and wall friezes was the Divine, but this time – it is the royal themes that occupy the artist. Local costumes and musical instruments are among the common secular motifs. It clearly indicates that the secular trend of the Vijayanagara art and architecture flourished under the rulers’ patronage and it managed to find a hold alongside the prevailing parallel trend in religious themes of Hindu mythology. Thus, Vijayanagara ‘emerges as a very sophisticated and progressive, highly developed unique urban-rural agglomeration of the 16th century capital city.’(Thakur, N., 2007) Pre-existing political and economic structures, sacred beliefs, and social frameworks, though modified during the Vijayanagara period, were integral to ideological, social and economic practices and organization. (Sinopoli & Morrison, 1995) But these changes in productivity of the society did not alter the interdependence of men on animals which still remained an important source for food, transport and occupation.

    While describing the Vijayanagara capital, Domingo Paes remarks that,

    “… from here (gate) to the king’s palace is all streets and rows of houses, very beautiful, and houses of captains and other rich and honorable people; . . . rows of houses with many figures and decorations pleasing to look at.” (Sewell, 2000)

    The various panels carved on the walls of these edifices were like an art gallery for the members of the royal family as well as the general public showcasing every aspect of the society of contemporary times. The sculptors were able to represent the significance of changing political and religious conditions on depiction of secular themes like political and diplomatic conditions, sports, hunting, dances etc. in art through a cross cultural and historical perspective as evident from the body movements, dress, hair style and ornamentation of the male and female figures represented in very high relief on the panels. This sculptural art has its own distinctive stamp of exquisite workmanship, elaborate and intricate coiffure, drapery and superb modeling of the human as well as animal figures. It is evident that the imagination of the craftsmen found a fair play to display the fashions and tastes of his contemporary society not only in dressing and religion but also in the entertainment involving hunting scenes of ‘game animals.’

    Sagoff (1974) focuses on cases where animals serve as a generally recognizable cultural emblem of some idea or concept and believes that this cultural function provides a reason for valuing and preserving wild animals. According to Sagoff (1974):

    A society which values freedom and which makes its forests or the wildlife in them the expressive symbols of freedom will not treat the wildlife in them frivolously, nor discard them without a second thought. If it does, then this act will count as evidence that the society either no longer values freedom or that its paradigms of freedom have changed. … In this case, we can draw the conclusion that the meaning of freedom in that society has itself changed. Accordingly, one way to keep our concept of freedom intact is to respect the objects that express it.

    This account is widely applicable to animals, since their forms can be said to have functions in the sense that those forms have been naturally selected in virtue of performing certain tasks. William Hogarth explained that “the race-horse, having all its parts of such dimensions as best fit the purposes of speed, acquires, on that account a consistent character of one sort of beauty. The state of Vijayanagara was evidently military in nature. The presence of numerous elephants and horses in the royal establishment is mentioned in the foreign chronicles as well as by the sculptural depictions on the monuments such as the Mahānavamī platform and the panels on the enclosure wall of the Hazāra Rāma temple. Devarāya II earned the title Gajaventekara or Gajabetekara as he was well versed in the art of elephant hunting. A copper coin that has elephant pictogram, issued during the reign of the same king mentions his title as ‘gajabēntekāra. (ARASM, 1935)

    Razzak also mentions a large number of elephants in the city of Vijayanagara and mentions that “one sees there more than a thousand elephants, in their size resembling mountains and in their form resembling devils.” (Sewell, 2000) There is a dated epigraph on a slab near Zanānā enclosure, which record donation to god Narasimha located near elephant stables by Konamarsayya. (Nagaraja Rao, 1985) In the reliefs found on the various monuments at Vijayanagara, man’s domination over the animals has been well depicted and captured. Although a mighty beast, an elephant meekly submitting to a man is realistically portrayed. Human figures and the animals are treated in almost same scale in most of the places the elephants are depicted only in profile while the human figure are seen in profile, full frontal or three-quarter view. The human figures themselves have a lot of movement. The gait of the elephants in their forward march is seen in the movement of their legs and the swing of their tail where one foreleg and one back leg are bent. Their heads held high, looking majestic and dignified elephants go forward in a single file. Some sculptures depict ropes running across their legs thus suggesting their tameness. Elephant calves are also depicted beside their mothers.

    We find mention of the sheds made of graphite, which accommodated 400 elephants, and the royal stables had 40,000 horses in them. (Sastri & Venkataramanayya, 1946) Import of horses played a prominent part in the foreign trade. The effective demand for war-horses arose to meet the requirements of cavalry which formed an important wing of the army. The strength of the cavalry may be gauged from the observations of Fernao Nuniz, a Portuguese traveler ‘The King (Krsnadēvarāya) every year buys thirteen thousand horses of Ormuz, of which he chooses the best for his own stables and gives the rest to his captains…’ (Sewell, 2000) The Vijayanagara kings, who were particularly interested in importing horses from the Arabian Peninsula, encouraged overseas trade. A copper plate grant of Dēvarāya-II claims that he had ‘ten thousand Turuska horsemen in his service.’(Rice, 1974)

    The horses are depicted vividly in sculptures on panels of the Mahānavamī dibbā, the Rāmacandra temple, and other temple walls. These reliefs show the horses in motion – mostly as a part of some procession, and are elaborately and extensively treated. Besides being proportionate in size, the horses are decorative but dresses with restraint. They are generally fitted with a saddle, bridle, reins and stirrups. They have been placed out well. Cavalry then formed an important wing of the army and the sculptor’s knowledge of the horses appears to be both personal and intimate. These reliefs reveal the rich and imaginative mind of the artists, their knowledge of the moods, habits and anatomy of the animal. The horses are depicted in various postures – standing, marching, galloping and sometimes carrying riders on their backs.

    Another interesting feature highlighted by the wall reliefs seen at the Hazāra Rāma temple and the Mahānavamī platform is the representation of camels. It verifies the information provided by the foreign travelers that to strengthen his army Devarāya II modernized his armed forces by induction of a Camel Corps. At that time, these animals which were native to the deserts of Rajasthan were brought into South India. To commemorate this event copper coins were issued by the king wherein the figure of camel was shown on the obverse. The artist emphasized the exotic nature and rendered them faithfully and artistically. This concept also bring forth the terms based on widespread commercial diffusion of animal imaginary and thus associating the exotic and remote ideas of these animals while the remaining one appear to merge with their keepers – an antithesis of the dualism at the very origin of interrelationship between man and animals.

    Like any other royalty across the cultures, sports and hunting expeditions were one of the favorite pastimes of the nobility of the Vijayanagara also. One can clearly observe the depiction of such scenes one the high wall reliefs at the Hazāra Rāma temple and the Mahānavamī platform. The artists and the sculptors appear to be preoccupied with the question of how best to represent the values and ideals of his times through a permanent medium. The panels show wrestlers in a bout being watched by royal personnel, hunting scenes involving hunter either on horseback or on foot attacking ferocious tigers or a herd of deer with bows and arrows, most of the time accompanied by hunting dogs and drum beaters. The artists were keen on showing the motion of these themes and used the positional arrangement of the human and animal figures to indicate the direction of the animals running away from the hunter or the dogs attacking the dear in the backgrounds with much concentration on details.

    At the capital, scenes of royal hunting are prominently displayed on the sides of a platform associated with the Mahānavamī festival. Here, panels showing military and hunting episodes occur in successive registers.  Royal figures with bows, accompanied by dogs, beaters, and other hunters, are surrounded by deer; men standing with daggers, or mounted on elephants and accompanied by lancers, attack lions. (Fritz, 1986) The concept of formality in art history refers to works whose organizational principles are clear to observers or participants. (Taylor, 1981) The panels at Vijayanagara clearly show that the visibility, space and perspective did not lost its meaning on animal representation in comparison to its human counterparts. But still in some scenes, especially of hunting, the events seem to become as illusory in terms of their natural responses, and the fact remains that the space which they inhabit is after all ‘artificial’; hence there is clear tendency to bundle toward the edge of the margin. (Berger, 2009) the artist followed the popular notion that the animals were meant to be ‘observed’ – a clear delineation from early symbiosis of man and animal.

    Miscellaneous Carvings:

    While the mythic landscape was shared by all who shared the Hindu beliefs, these associations were manipulated by Vijayanagara rulers to enhance their own power and to legitimate their rule in the eyes of local chiefs and other elites. Architecture and urban structure, as well as inscriptions, give evidence to this landscape of power constructed by kings, and experienced by royals and other elite. (Mack, 2004) The idea of power can be observed in the pattern of the steps leading to the various building foundations at the Royal and Zanānā Enclosures which are flanked with stone balustrades. These motifs illustrated on these balustrades illustrate a range of varieties of sculptural carvings or high reliefs, viz. (Thakur, P., 2009)

    ♦  Balustrade decorated with relief mythical  yālīs  either carved on the stone or made of stucco;

    ♦  Yālīs spouting entwined foliage;

    ♦  Elephants carved on the stone balustrades in various postures;

    ♦  Carved Lions in different postures;

    ♦  Horses represented either following elephants or with their trainers.

    These animal – real as well as mythical, symbolize the power and stability of the edifice as well as of the empire. Thus, this instance of sculptural art at the site of Vijayanagara should be understood against the larger background of proliferation of centres of political power, a burgeoning economy, prospering, upwardly mobile social groups, institutionalization of religious cults, and interaction with foreign traditions.

    Conclusion:

    In every case, an iconographic approach to landscape shows how people create their own worlds and, along the way, construct visual representations of their individual and group beliefs, values, tensions, and fears.(Hoelscher, 2009) Not one meaning emerges from the complex array of suburban landscapes, but rather a multiplicity of understandings that entwine identity, race, gender, class, and politics. The paper agrees with what  Bernard  Fibicher  claims  about  the  meaning  of  animal  presence  in visual  art through different historical periods: such presence would be proportional to our need of animal contacts, whereas it would be inversely proportional to our real closeness to the natural realm. (Fibicher, 2008)

    Acknowledgement

    This study is a part of an ongoing minor Research project of the author funded by the Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi for a period of 2011-13, which inspired the formulation of this paper.

    References

    Andersen K. & Bochicchio. L. 2012. The  Presence  of  Animals  in  Contemporary Art as A Sign of Cultural Change, in Forma. Revista D’Humanitats, Vol. 6, pp. 12-23.

    Annual Report of Archaeological Survey of Mysore (ARASM) of the year 1932. (1935) Government Press: Bangalore. pp. 90-93

    Berger, John. 2009. About looking. Bloomsbury Publishing: New York.  pp. 3-30. Retrieved from http://artsites.ucsc.edu/faculty/gustafson/FILM%20161.F08/readings/berger.animals %202.pdf on 20.08.2013.

    Fibicher, Bernard. (Ed.) 2008. Comme  des  Bêtes (exhibition  catalogue).  Lausanne:  Musée Cantonal des Beaux-Arts, pp. 8-XX.

    Fritz, M. John. 1986. ‘Vijayanagara: Authority and Meaning of a South Indian Imperial Capital’ in American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 88 (1). pp. 44-55.

    Hoelscher, S. 2009. ‘Landscape Iconography’ in International Encyclopedia of Human Geography. Kitchin, Rob & Thrift, Nigel (eds.) Elsevier:  Amsterdam. pp. 132-139.

    Hogarth, William. 1997. The Analysis of Beauty, [1753] R. Paulson, ed. New Haven: Yale University Press. p. 15.

    Mack, Alexandra. 2004. ‘One Landscape, Many Experiences: Differing Perspectives of the Temple Districts of Vijayanagara.’ In Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, Vol. 11 (1), pp. 59 – 81.

    Marchesini,  Roberto. 2009. Il  Tramonto  dell’Uomo.  La  prospettiva  post-umanista.  Bari:  Edizioni Dedalo. Quoted from Anderson & Bochicchio. Op. cit.

    Morrison, Kathleen. 2001. ‘Coercion, resistance, and hierarchy: local processes and imperial strategies in the Vijayanagara Empire’ in Empires: Perspectives from Archaeology and History.  S. Alcock, T. D’ Altroy, K.D. Morrison & C.M. Sinopoli (eds.), Cambridge University Press. Pp. 252-278.

    Nagaraja Rao, M.S. (ed.) 1985.  Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1983-84,  Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, p. 39.

    Rice, L. Benjamin.  1974. Epigraphia Carnatica. Mysore Government Central Press: Mysore. Vol. III, Sr. 15.

    Sagoff, Mark. 1974. On Preserving the Natural Environment,” Yale Law Journal. Vol. 84. 205-267.

    Sastri, K.A.N. & Venkataramanayya, N., 1946. Further Sources of Vijayanagara History, Vol. III. University of Madras Press: Madras, p. 87

    Sewell, Robert. 2000.  A Forgotten Empire. Asian Education Services: New Delhi. (reprint). p. 254

    Sinopoli, M. Carla and Morrison, D, Kathleen. 1995. ‘Dimensions of Imperial Control the Vijayanagara Capital’ in American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 97, No. 1 (Mar., 1995), pp. 83-96.

    Taylor, J. C. 1981. Learning to Look: A Handbook for the Visual Arts, 2nd ed. University of Chicago Press: Chicago, 65-68.

    Thakur, Nalini, 2007. ‘Hampi World Heritage Site: Monuments, Site or Cultural Landscape’ in Landscape, Vol. IV (16). p. 32

    Thakur, Priya. 2009. Secular Architecture of Vijayanagara Period. Unpublished Thesis. University of Mysore. pp. 114-115.

    Thakur, Priya. 2011. “Martial Themes in Vijayanagara Sculptural Friezes” in Journal of South Indian History. Publication Division: Calicut University. Vol. 3 (1), 64-71.

    Thapar, B.K. 1979. Indian Archaeology 1975-76 – A Review. Archaeological Survey of India: New Delhi. pp. 19-21.

    Dr. Priya Thakur is Assistant Professor, Department of Studies and Research in History and Archaeology, Tumkur University, Tumkur, Karnataka. Email: priyathakur@tumkuruniversity.in

  • Sri Aurobindo’s Aswapati: Negotiating the Vedic ‘Horse’ as a Symbol

    Rudrashis Datta, Raiganj B. Ed. College, Uttar Dinajpur, West Bengal.

    Abstract

    The horse has occupied a pride of place among the animals in most civilizations since ancient times, more so in the Vedic age where it was not only used as a military asset but also as a powerful symbol that concerned the kings and the subjects alike. However, it is in its symbolic context that the horse or aswa in Sanskrit has generated multiple interpretations. This study focuses on some of the symbolic aspects of the horse as evident in early Vedic Sanskrit texts and highlights the interpretation of Sri Aurobindo which served in significantly bringing down semantic differences in the context of the horse symbol. Aswapati, an important character in Sri Aurobindo’s epic Savitri is an elaborate illustration of Sri Aurobindo’s reading of the aswa as representative of ‘prana’ or life energy. This study illustrates that Sri Aurobindo’s approach essentially harmonized the varied and often conflicting nuances which were generated as different systems of interpretations approached the symbol in accordance with their limited range of belief systems.

    Keywords – Sri Aurobindo, Savitri, Aswapati, Horse, Symbol.

    It is perhaps universally accepted that the horse has occupied a primal place among animals in the context of the classical Sanskrit texts right up to the puranas. Aswa, as it was so termed, was a prized creature since the early Vedic age largely because of the leverage it gave to humans in terms of its mobility, agility and resilience. In other words, the internecine conflicts of tribes since the earliest days of our history demanded that horses were to be nurtured as military assets both to maintain peace through deterrence and also to act as aid in the movement of troops in the battlefield. It would therefore be appropriate to class the aswa as an animal whose use was specialized to the ruling and the warrior class, unlike the go or cattle which was commonly associated with the nuance of domesticity or the priestly class generally as units of wealth.

    A corollary of the horse as a unit of royalty and power is evident in its use as the sacrificial animal in a royal ritual meant to perpetuate the prosperity and fortune of a king. In fact, the aswamedha was one of the four most important rites in the ancient Vedic tradition, the other three being – agnikitya – building of the fire altar; vajapeya – a soma sacrifice; and rajasuya or royal inauguration. The ceremonies associated with the aswamedha were elaborate, lasting for over a year and it culminated in the sacrifice of the horse with the king as the sacrificer. Satapatha Brahmana required that the sacrifice could be conducted only by a king and its object was to assert territorial sovereignty as well as to pray for general prosperity of the kingdom. As such the implication of a successful sacrifice was that the sacrificer, here a king, had unquestioned domination of neighbouring kingdoms as well as material prosperity within his territory.

    However, it was this markedly material side of this ritual with the aswa that brought into sharp focus a serious inadequacy of the scope of a horse as an asset of the royalty. While it stood for material power and military force, it would have hardly made a difference to the mystical traditions of the Vedic age unless it was invested with qualities which would have had a relevance to the priestly class and the sages. It is perhaps in this context that the aswa assumed a cosmologic status in ancient Sanskrit literature.

    Brhadaranyka Upanishadconsidered as one of the most important Upanishad, begins with a passage that reinforces the cosmic symbolism of the aswa. The first chapter, titled ‘The World as a Sacrificial Horse’ begins with a sustained correlation between the physiology of the horse and the external world order and the mysticism of the correlation cannot be missed:

    “Aum, the dawn, verily, is the head of the sacrificial horse, the sun the eye, the wind the breath, the open mouth the vaishvanara fire; the year is the body of the sacrificial horse, the sky is the back, the atmosphere is the belly, the earth the hoof, the quarters the sides, the intermediate quarters the ribs, the seasons the limbs, the months and the half-months the joints, days and nights the feet, the stars the bones, the clouds the flesh; the food in the stomach is the sand, the rivers are the blood vessels, the liver and the lungs are the mountains, the herbs and trees are the hair. The rising (sun) is the forepart, the setting (sun) the hind part, when he yawns then it lightens, when he shakes himself, it thunders, when he urinates then it rains; voice, indeed, is his voice.”4

    While the correlation between the horse in its parts and the external nature can be understandable, the intricate detail of the aswamedha takes this physical correlation further and stretches it into the realm of the mystical. Yajur Veda 5 mentions that among the rituals of the horse sacrifice one involves the chief queen lying with the corpse of the sacrificed horse till the next morning when the priests raise her from the place. With very few Vedic rituals requiring the physical presence of the queen, the need of the queen to undergo a rather macabre rite of having to lie with the sacrificed horse for the night takes the horse’s role clearly beyond the merely symbolic. Even as a fertility rite the presence of a dead animal can be considered a rarity in comparative mythology, and it is this problem that points to the role of the aswa as a symbol of life force or prana with the ritual implication being that the prana of the sacrificed horse goes to the chief queen as it dies, and permeates through her to the subjects of the kingdom with the expectation of ‘manly offspring’. In fact the aswamedha rituals concluded with the following prayer:

    “May this Steed bring us all-sustaining riches, wealth in good kine, good

    horses, manly offspring.

    Freedom from sin may Aditi vouchsafe us: the Steed with our oblations gain

    us lordship!” 6

    Incidentally, Monier-Williams defines prana as ‘the breath of life, breath, respiration, spirit, vitality’. 7 If the theme of the Vedic prayers are any indication, advancement or perfection of the spirit and its vitality, was a basic concern of the sacrificers. In other words, when the Taittiriya Upanishad maintains that ‘from prana alone are these creatures born and being born they live by prana and to prana they go hence and return’ 9 If prana is taken as the force that governs life, clearly, it is mired in imperfection in case of the person who is yet to attain Brahman. Effectively therefore, all human beings operate through imperfect prana-s. This perhaps explain why aswa, when taken to imply prana often have physical features which are strictly not of perfect horses. The Rig Veda refers to Ashwins, twin sons of the sky and brothers of Usha, the dawn. They are described as gods with heads of horses. Again, the first prototype of the aswa was the Uchchaihshravas who arose from the churning of the ocean of nectar – amrita. Literally meaning either ‘long ears’ or ‘neighing aloud’ or even both, the mythical animal had seven heads and could fly. The legend has it that Indra took it to heavens and returned the prototype after robbing it of the ability to fly. The fact that the animal could fly, unlike a normal horse, would in itself symbolically signify an imperfection or at least incompleteness. Interestingly, horses with unnatural physical features have been a common motif in most myths across the world. Examples include ‘hippocampus’ which has the foreparts of a horse and the hind part a scaly fish; Pegasus, white in colour and winged; the eight-legged Sleipnir of Norse mythology and the Centaur or Hippocentaur with the head, arms and torso of a human and the body and legs of a horse. All such myths ascribe certain powers to the unnatural or paranormal horses which are beyond the scope of either individual human beings or individual horses with natural features. As such when a rishi prays for a gift from Agni that has the form of a horse with a cow –go – in front, he is effectively asking for a great body of spiritual power or prana led by light or wisdom, since the word go often meant ‘light of wisdom’ in Vedic hymns.

    Be that as it may, an interpretation of the aswa as a symbol of life’s energies, though perhaps inevitable in the context of the Vedas and the sandhya-bhasha – the twilight language 10 – of its hymns, has its own special set of problems. For a contemporary reader of the classical Sanskrit texts, the greatest challenge is not of comprehension but of relevance. While ‘meanings’ of the hymns can be generated independently, relating the semantics to a wider practical nuance poses issues which are not easily resolved. Added to this is the evolution that concepts underwent in the course of centuries of use in the Vedic age. A classic example of such a problem lies in a query as to how many horses pulled the chariot of Arjuna in the battle of Mahabharata. While the Bhagavad Gita is silent on this issue, commentators have traditionally ascribed Arjuna’s chariot as having five horses. The source of the number is the Kathopanishad, 1.3.4 which says: ‘The senses they say are the horses; the objects of sense the paths (they range over); (the self) associated with the body, the senses and the mind – wise men declare – is the enjoyer.’ 11 Clearly, since the number of senses normally attributed to humans are five, it was naturally assumed that Arjuna’s chariot had five horses. Again, when Surya is described as having a sapta-vahana, the semantics of the ‘senses’ give way to the days of a week, the implication being that the sun is a witness to us for all the days of the week.  Interpretations of convenience often face similar ambiguities, especially in the context of literal comprehension of what the hymns ‘mean’.

    Sri Aurobindo, while interpreting the hymns of the Vedas was acutely aware of the ambiguity that some of the hymns might generate in the minds of the modern reader. In his Foreward to ‘Hymns to the Mystic Fire’ Sri Aurobindo asserts:

    “We must take seriously the hint of Yaska, accept the Rishi’s description of the Veda’s contents as ‘seer-wisdoms, seer-words’, and look for whatever clue we can find to this ancient wisdom. Otherwise the Veda must remain forever a sealed book; grammarians, etymologists, scholastic conjectures will not open to us the sealed chamber.” 12

    Sri Aurobindo was referring to Yaska, an almost forgotten Sanskrit commentator who preceded Panini and is traditionally known to be the author of the treatise Nirukta13 Though not explicitly stated, Sri Aurobindo might have been referring to the naigama aspect of Yaska’s thesis wherein he developed an elaborate structure of interpretation involving terms and symbols special to the Vedas. Unlike those of other commentators, Yaska’s position was holistic, his stress being on the collective meaning of hymns seen in contexts rather than a grammarian’s isolationist approach.

    That Sri Aurobindo adopted Yaska’s approach to the interpretation of the Vedas is evident from his reading of what the elaborate horse symbol at the beginning of the Brhadaranyaka Upanishad might have implied. Having individually analyzed the physiological metaphor of the horse, he says, by way of making a contextual, collective meaning:

    “We are reminded that it is some Force manifesting in matter which the Horse symbolizes; the material manifestation constitutes the essence of its symbolism. The images used are of an almost gross materiality…. The first image is an image of knowledge expressing itself in matter, the second is an image of power expressing itself in matter. The third, the image of the rain, suggests that it is from the mere waste matter of his body that this great Power is able to fertilize the world and produce sustenance for the myriad nations of his creatures. Speech with its burden of definite thought, is the neighing of this mighty horse of sacrifice; by that this great Power in matter expresses materially the uprush of his thought and yearning and emotion, visible sparks of the secret universal fire that is in him – guhahitam.”14

    By leaving out specific connotations and instead focussing on the collective holistic implication of the horse symbol at the beginning of the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, Sri Aurobindo was effectively generating a nuance of the aswa that sustained his arguments at greater length in his epic Savitri.

    The story of Savitri narrated by Rishi Markandeya to Yudhisthira appears as a minor episode or upakhyana  in seven Cantos (291-297) of the Vana Parva (Book of the Forest) of Vyasa’s Mahabharata The immediate purpose of the narration seems to be the alleviation of grief of the eldest of the Pandavas, Yudhisthira, who was afflicted by the plight of Draupadi, as she was sharing the hardships of exile of the Pandavas. During their wanderings in a forest, the Pandavas meet a rishi named Markandeya. Yudhisthira,  asks the Rishi, ‘O mighty sage, I do not so much grieve for myself or these my brothers or the loss of my kingdom as I do for this daughter of Drupada….Hast thou ever seen or heard of any chaste and exalted lady that resembleth this daughter of Drupada?’15 In answer, Markandeya narrates the story of Savitri and says that just as her husband Satyavan was saved from Death through the virtues of Savitri, the virtues of Draupadi is going to carry the Pandavas through all their difficulties.

    It is the ‘symbol’ aspect of the tale that carries the importance in Sri Aurobindo’s interpretation of the Mahabharata episode. Each of the main characters of the tale is re-created by Sri Aurobindo and they become vehicles of his philosophy concerning the status of man and nature. For example, Satyavan literally means ‘one who possesses or carries the Truth-satya’. 16 In man it is his soul which carries the truth, since Indian philosophical systems consider each individual soul as a part of the Supreme soul or paramatma. As the soul descends to earth in a body, it comes in contact with death. In other words, since Satyavan is born, he has to die. The etymology of ‘Savitri’ has two meanings, both equally significant in Sri Aurobindo’s epic. In one, Savitri is a puranic God-the wife of Brahma, the divine Creator, and as such she carries the power of a creator herself. Sri Aurobindo says that Savitri is the ‘Divine Word’, i.e., the word of Divine command that brings the universe into existence. The other association of the word ‘Savitri’ is one of the names of the Sun-traditionally considered in Indian traditions as the source of all energy and existence. Specifically, Savitri’s name refers to the sun before it has risen above the horizon, and symbolically it indicates new possibilities of power, with the added significance that there is an element of inevitability in the descent of power and truth on earth. Indeed, one can detect in this association, an idea of a flame- agni-that has been considered by Sri Aurobindo as a Vedic symbol that acts as a bridge between the human and the Divine. Aswapati – Lord of the Horse – and Savitri’s human father is described by Sri Aurobindo as the ‘Lord of Tapasya, the concentrated energy of spiritual endeavour that helps us to rise from the mortal to the immortal planes’. Clearly, they have an element of restlessness in them. Aswapati, as the name signifies, is the lord of energy, i.e., one who has full control of his energy and makes them carry him in the path of spiritual endeavour from the normal human level of consciousness to higher planes of existence. We see in the epic how Aswapati travels from one plane of consciousness to another higher plane, until at last he reaches the Supreme Divine Mother and begs her to come down to earth. The spiritual efforts of Aswapati, Savitri’s human father are rewarded as the ‘Divine Mother’ (as Sri Aurobindo refers to ‘Truth’ in the epic) descends on earth to be born as Aswapati’s daughter. Almost half of the twenty-four thousand line epic is taken up by Aswapati’s spiritual pursuit in quest of a successor and the fact that he has been rewarded is an evidence of his ‘Lordship’ over his prana or life energy as the root of his name – aswa – suggests.

    It is significant that Sri Aurobindo makes Aswapati take the rigours of the spiritual travel and we find Aswapati experiencing, much as in Dante’s famous work, both the bliss of the ‘Truth-world’ as well as the agony and suffering of the nether world. Since he had mastered his prana or life energy, Aswapati could remain agile, active and perceptive. The fact that he could easily realize that the bliss of the ‘Godheads of the Greater Mind’, however complete they may seem, is not the highest level of ascension available to a spiritual quest, and decide to move on, is evidence of the power that mastery of prana can give to a being. Aswapati finds his quest complete as he encounters and recognizes the ‘Divine Mother’ and takes from her the promise of Savitri’s birth in human form.

    It is therefore appropriate that Aswapati forms the central character in Sri Aurobindo’s epic both in terms of the space that he occupies as well as in terms of being a pioneer in a spiritual quest that his daughter, the earthly Savitri would undertake later as she followed the God of Death to reclaim Satyavan’s soul and reverse his mortality. What marks Sri Aurobindo’s interpretation of the symbolism of the aswa or horse is a consistency that is carried over into his epic both for an artistic recreation of the Savitri legend as well as for an illustration of the might that comes to a man who has mastered the powers which a horse stands for in Vedic parlance.

    Notes

    Literally, ‘sacrifice of a horse or steed’.

    Satapatha Brahmana (lit. ‘one hundred paths to Brahmana’) is a prose text, elucidatory in nature, dealing with the Vedic rituals mentioned in the Yajur Veda.

    3 Brhadaranyaka Upanishad (lit. ‘great forest of knowledge’) is one of the older Upanishads and is ascribed to the sage Yagnavalkya.

    4 Translation of S Radhakrishnan, p. 149.

    5 Yajur Veda (lit. From yajus – ‘sacrificial formula’) contains details required to perform sacrifices, including the mantra-s or hymns to be chanted in the process.

    6 Ralph T H Griffith’s translation of the Rg Veda, titled ‘The Hymns of the Rgveda’, 1896, p. 87. A copy of the Second edition is available at www.sacred-texts.com/hin/rigveda/index.htm.

    7 M Monier-Williams, p. 705.

    8 Taittiriya Upanishad is one of the primary Upanishads, dealing with the various degrees of bliss enjoyed by beings. A Mahadeva Sastri ascribes the name to Tittiri, a pupil of the Vedic commentator Yaska.

    9 Radhakrishnan translates the lines as ‘For truly, beings here are born from life, when born they live by life, and into life, when departing they enter.’ Clearly, when he translates ‘prano brahmeti vyajanat’ as ‘he knew that life is Brahman’, he takes ‘prana’ to mean ‘life’, p. 554. For the present hymn from the Upanishad, I go by M P Pandit’s rendering in his Gleaning’s from the Upanishads, p. 153.

    10 The concept of the ‘twilight language’ has been studied at great length by Bucknell and Stuart-Fox. Though their work was meant specifically for Buddhist texts, the concept can be used with equal validity in the context of the Vedas.

    11 Trans. S Radhakrishnan. p. 624.

    12 Hymns to the Mystic Fire, Foreward. p. 5.

    13 Nirukta, literally meaning ‘etymology’, is one of the earliest Sanskrit texts dealing with semantics in general and the methodology of the interpretation of the Vedas in particular. It is commonly assumed that Yaska, its author, preceded Panini and lived in the 6th century BC.

    14 Kena and Other Upanishads, p. 283.

    15 The author followed Kisari Mohan Ganguli’s translation of the Mahabharata.

    16 Sri Aurobindo’s ‘Note’ on the epic Savitri has comments on the symbolic significance of the main characteristics of the epic.

    References

    Bucknell, Roderick and Martin Stuart-Fox. The Twilight Language : Explorations in

    Buddhist Meditation and Symbolism. London : Curzon Press, 1986.

    Ganguli, Kisari Mohan (trans.) The Mahabharata. (in four vols.) New Delhi : Munshiram  Manoharlal Publishers, 1993.

    Mahadevan Sastri. A. The Taittiriya Upanishad. Mysore : GTA Printing, 1903.

    Monier-Williams, M. A Sanskrit English Dictionary. New Delhi : Motilal Banarasidass,  2005. First Edition – Oxford University Press, 1899.

    Pandit, M P. Gleanings from the Upanishads. Pondicherry : Dipti Publications, 1969.

    Radhakrishnan, S. (trans.) The Principal Upanishads. New Delhi : Harper Collins, 1984.

    Sri Aurobindo. Hymns to the Mystic Fire. Pondicherry : Sri Aurobindo Ashram, 1998.

    —. Kena and Other Upanishads. Pondicherry : Sri Aurobindo Ashram, 2001.

    —. Savitri. (in two vols.) Pondicherry : Sri Aurobindo Ashram, 1997.

    Rudrashis Datta is Assistant Professor in English, Raiganj B. Ed. College, Uttar Dinajpur -733130, West Bengal, India. E-mail – rudrashisdatta@gmail.com

  • Editorial, Volume III

    This edition of Bhatter Colege Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies is dedicated to the broad multidisciplinary field of Animal Studies. The Animal Question was selected as a focal point of academic enquiry and discussion because of the demands of our time. We believe strongly that animals, not just as opposite beings—in relation to whom our identity is to be defined, but as our fellow beings on this planet deserve more—more rights and respect solely on the basis of their evolutionary status. Founded mainly on the principles of the Enlightenment and liberalism, our educational system follows mainly utilitarian principles. The syllabi, particularly at the school levels inculcate utilitarian attitudes to animals, and thus it is deprived of higher idealistic attitudes and it does not leave any room for alternative view-points. On the contrary, under the guise of scientificism it encourages a sense of non-responsibility for the individual, and the responsibility becomes a kind of invisible idea ascribed to the vague entity of the collective society, authority, institution etc. Our educational system should seriously reconsider the ways animals are presented, represented and familiarized and speciesism is institutionalized.

    In the new century, we need to search for alternatives which should not be singular but rather pluralistic in nature and holistic in approach. In this age of explosion of research, various topics in networked environment of always-available, cannot we think differently and orient our knowledge and faculties to initiate and encourage discussion on animals? If accepted theoretically, the inevitable question that would pop up is: what should be the status of animals in the discussion, which remains completely a one-way dialogue with its panoptic vision unchanged? One simple answer based on common sense is: animals can be viewed as our fellow creatures on this planet on their own rights. This will, however, lead to the much disputed topic: whether animals can have rights at all since rights demands—for instance, the philosopher Roger Scruton argued, duties. This view has been effectively refuted by a number of theorists in the 20th century, particularly by Peter Singer whose formulation that animals have interests, particularly an interest in not suffering, dismisses all other counter-arguments. This point of commonness among all the animal beings and the human beings becomes a fundamental principle challenging all the arguments—many based on the empiricist evidences, found in ‘nature’, and questions all our ‘needs’ and ‘pleasures’ that initiates torture and suffering of animals from the ancient slaughter-house approved by Descartes to our modern circus and ‘scientific’ zoo.

    In ultimate analysis, dominance, violence and cruelty—which we have received as evolutionary gifts, cannot be justified by pseudo-science and sophistry. Let us not talk of responsibility or duties as precondition for animal rights, rather let us talk of our own responsibility in not violating the rights of the mute and voiceless. True human superiority is not to be found in speciesism, but to be justified only after we learn to respect their rights and actively participate in upholding the rights—an act which can be called truly divine by the standard of any religion.

    Pabitra Kumar Mishra

    Editor-in-Chief